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U.S. Marines board a CH-53E Super Stallion aboard the USS Bataan

The Pentagon is considering extending a deployment[1] for Marines and sailors who have been operating in the Middle East and Mediterranean since the summer, according to a defense official, a potentially lengthy extension amid questions over the readiness of Navy[2] ships that could relieve them.

The Bataan Amphibious Ready Group, or ARG, which includes roughly 2,000 Marines, has been patrolling the waters in and around the Middle East after deploying in July, and at one point this fall, it was headed to the waters off Israel[3] as a crisis response following the start of the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza.

Now, as the Pentagon looks to keep a deterrent force in the region as it seemingly plummets into further turmoil each day, service members with the Bataan may be deployed for almost a year in total. Along with the USS Bataan, the USS Carter Hall and USS Mesa Verde are also part of the amphibious ready group.

Read Next: Army Has Temporarily Promoted 52,000 Soldiers, But Over 10,000 Still Haven't Completed Required Schooling[4]

"Deterrence is back on the table and, if you thought we forgot about the Middle East, you're wrong," one defense official told Military.com. The Bataan could be deployed until May or June -- a total of roughly 11 months, according to the defense official. CBS reported[5] Thursday that the Bataan was deployed "indefinitely."

For the Pentagon, the amphibious groups represent a mobile, first-response force for the U.S. around the world[6]. While carrier strike groups, such as the Eisenhower, conduct retaliatory and preemptive strikes against the Iran-backed Houthis in Yemen, the Marines and sailors aboard the Bataan have been trawling the waters of the Red Sea, Strait of Hormuz and Mediterranean as a warning to disruptive actors in the area while being ready to help in an emergency.

Last month, USNI News also reported[7] that the Marines aboard the Bataan have permission to fly the currently grounded MV-22 Osprey[8] tilt-rotor aircraft in case of emergencies despite a force-wide grounding. The Marines aboard the ship -- the 26th Marine Expeditionary Unit -- told reporters in April[9] that the aircraft would be essential in the case of a mass evacuation and showcased their ability to evacuate an embassy.

Amid the consideration for extending the Bataan, the Israel-Hamas War has lit a powder keg in the Middle East, spurring fears that the U.S. could be headed for another open-ended conflict in the region. Since October, service members in Syria and Iraq have been attacked more than 150 times; Houthis have attacked commercial ships in the area with drones despite repeated warning and retaliatory strikes; and in a recent escalation, Iran and Pakistan have gone tit-for-tat on attacks.

The U.S. and U.K. militaries launched retaliatory strikes on Houthi targets in Yemen[10] on Jan. 11 after the Iran-backed militants targeted international shipping in the Red Sea. U.S. strikes have continued since then as the Houthis launched more attacks on merchant ships. President Joe Biden said last week that the U.S. military strikes would continue[11].

Now, the Pentagon is considering retaining Marines and sailors in the region for an extended period of time in an attempt to keep violence at bay. Whether it will work remains to be seen as the escalations continue to bring unrest, and a deployment end date for the Bataan and its Marines is in question due to the state of another Navy amphibious ready group that could relieve them.

The Boxer ARG was scheduled to deploy in November and is likely to replace the Bataan, according to the defense official, who was granted anonymity to discuss operations.

However, a Navy official who spoke to Military.com on Friday said that the "the Navy has several options to fulfill the missions in the region, and while we can't discuss the specific plans for Bataan, we're not aware that Boxer was ever a part of that planning."

The Navy does not dispute that the Boxer -- the lead ship in the next amphibious ready group to deploy -- is not ready.

Military.com is aware that the ship was conducting the "composite training unit exercise" -- one of the final, major exercises that certifies a ship for deployment -- as late as last week.

A Navy official told Military.com Monday that the ship has since returned to port but needs "additional advanced training" before it is fully ready to deploy.

An earlier statement from the Navy's Third Fleet, provided to Military.com last week, said that the sea service wouldn't "speculate on any future operations or movements for operational security reasons" and noted that "the Boxer Amphibious Ready Group and 15th Marine Expeditionary Unit team maintains a constant level of readiness to respond to emergent situations."

Politico first reported[12] the potential extension on the Bataan and 26th MEU in the face of Navy maintenance issues. When asked about the deployment being extended, a U.S. European Command spokesperson told Military.com on Saturday that, "due to operational security considerations, we will not discuss future operations."

"However, while deployed to the region, our forces work closely with allies and partners throughout the region to defend our shared interests," they said.

The 26th MEU is a contingent of "special operations[13]-capable" Marines who have the ability to conduct non-combatant evacuations, embassy reinforcement and port seizures, among other missions.

The MEU originally deployed in July to the Middle East to thwart Iranian aggression against commercial vessels in the Strait of Hormuz. In October, the MEU cut an exercise in Kuwait short to respond to the Israel-Hamas War that began that month.

The last publicly disclosed operation the unit conducted was Odyssey Encore, an exercise in Greece that ended Wednesday. It arrived in Souda Bay, Greece, over the weekend for a port visit to conduct maintenance before the "next phase in our deployment," the 26th MEU commander, Col. Dennis "Dolf" Sampson, said in a press release.

"We're able to operate really autonomously in international waters and airspace. And so it gives us a lot of freedom of operations," Marine Lt. Col. Jeremy Hawkins, a senior planner on the Bataan, told The Associated Press on Friday. "We're floating on a piece of America, wherever we're at."

Meanwhile, the nearly 30-year-old Boxer has had a tough past several years. In the summer of 2023, Military.com reported that, despite completing a two-year, $200 million overhaul that was supposed to ready the ship for the service's newest fighter jet, it was struggling to actually set sail.

Cmdr. Arlo Abrahamson, the spokesman for the Navy's surface fleet, told Military.com at the time[14] that the Boxer was supposed to go to sea on July 21 -- more than a year since the ship was last seen underway[15] -- but couldn't "because of ongoing maintenance issues."

About a month later, the ship finally left the docks, but was spotted belching black smoke[16] just outside of San Diego Harbor. An online account that runs a web camera focused on the harbor captured the ship, saying[17] it "just had an engineering casualty."

When Military.com asked about the incident[18], Abrahamson claimed the incident was connected to system tests.

"The boilers burn fuel which can temporarily produce black smoke, including when engineering systems are being tested during a sea trial period," Abrahamson said in August.

Related: Marine Corps Expeditionary Unit En Route to Waters Off Israel, Defense Official Says[19]

© Copyright 2024 Military.com. All rights reserved. This article may not be republished, rebroadcast, rewritten or otherwise distributed without written permission. To reprint or license this article or any content from Military.com, please submit your request here[20].

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U.S. Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin

The opinions expressed in this op-ed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of Military.com. If you would like to submit your own commentary, please send your article to This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.[1] for consideration.

Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin was recently hospitalized for prostate cancer surgery and apparently incommunicado for a few days in early January. Although Austin never lost consciousness or went under general anesthesia, some members of Congress and media commentators have described the situation as reckless and irresponsible and one of great peril for the United States. These critics contend that, by failing to inform the president or the White House staff in good time, Austin left open the possibility of disruption of the civilian and military chains of command by ambiguous delegation of authority during his absence.

Much of that criticism is misplaced, some of it motivated by partisan discontent with the Biden administration's national security policy, while some commentators are simply misinformed. There are at least two reasons these criticisms are simply wrong, and a few reasons the critics are misguided in their complaints.

First, the military chain of command runs from the president, to the secretary of defense, to the combatant commanders who are in charge of the unified or specified warfighting commands for the armed forces. The president is the commander in chief of the armed forces and can issue orders at any time with or without the secretary of defense. In fact, on Jan. 11, the Biden administration and the British struck dozens of Houthi targets in Yemen, a matter that President Joe Biden had discussed with his national security team on Jan. 1. Not only did Austin participate in that meeting, he also directed the operation on Jan. 11 from his hospital room.

In the absence of the secretary of defense, presidential orders would go directly to the combatant commanders and to the deputy secretary of defense, who would presumably inform their staff. In this case, the deputy secretary of defense apparently was informed that Austin was temporarily unavailable and received the delegation of authority, although whether she was informed the reasons why is less clear.

Second, in the extreme and unlikely situation that a timely response to attack is necessary while the civilian delegation of authority in the Pentagon is ambiguous, and the president and secretary are unavailable, the combatant commanders are authorized to respond to imminent threats. They are required to promptly notify the president, the secretary of defense, the national security adviser and other principals if emergency action is taken. For example, a nuclear missile attack on a U.S. military base overseas, or even worse, on the American homeland, would not be ignored by a paralyzed chain of command.

Setting aside the fact that there never was a risk to the military's ability to manage threats during Austin's medical emergency, public officials should be careful not to convey to the world the mistaken impression that the United States is a helpless sleeping giant if one or more officials in the defense chain of command are temporarily out of pocket. Bureaucracies have their faults, but one of their redeeming features is that there is always someone backstopping his or her immediate superior who is, or should be, prepared to step in and assume command.

But beyond the logistics of the hubbub, Austin has served his country for decades as a military officer, much of it in combat, and now as a cabinet official. He is entitled to a presumption of good faith, especially under the exigent medical conditions. There are grounds to question how the process of intradepartmental and interagency communication worked in early January and how it might be improved, and Congress should work with the Department of Defense on a postmortem. Jeff Zients, the White House chief of staff; Kelly E. Magsamen, Austin's chief of staff; and Robert P. Storch, the Pentagon's inspector general, have all already opened investigations into what happened and why.

However, this episode does raise the issue about whether the Pentagon as a one-size-fits-all military headquarters is perhaps a dated World War II-era construct. We should ask if it's time to consider whether a distributed Department of Defense command system that is more adapted to the technology of the 21st century should replace the five-sided pyramid next to Arlington, Virginia.

-- Lawrence J. Korb, a senior fellow at the Center for American Progress, is a retired Navy captain and a former assistant secretary of defense.

-- Stephen Cimbala is a professor of political science at Penn State University, Brandywine.

© Copyright 2024 Military.com. All rights reserved. This article may not be republished, rebroadcast, rewritten or otherwise distributed without written permission. To reprint or license this article or any content from Military.com, please submit your request here[2].

References

  1. ^This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. (www.military.com)
  2. ^here (www.parsintl.com)

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