This article first appeared on The War Horse,[1] an award-winning nonprofit news organization educating the public on military service. Subscribe to their newsletter[2].

When Payton Kinnison found out she was pregnant with twins, she didn't waste a moment. Eight weeks into her pregnancy, she put her unborn children on the waitlist for on-base child care at Peterson Space Force Base[3] in Colorado Springs, where her toddler Ronan was already enrolled.

The staff assured Kinnison that since her husband was on active duty and she worked full time, the twins' priority level was high enough to ensure them spots by summertime.

The plan seemed solid. And all throughout her pregnancy and until the twins were 10 weeks old, Kinnison wasn't worried. There was no reason to be. She received no notices or updates -- nothing to warn her the babies' spots were in jeopardy.

But an email at the end of May derailed everything. Just days before she was due to return to her dental office job, the on-base child care center informed her the twins would not have spots -- until May 2026.

"I was in a panic," Kinninson said. "I had to quit my job. And I had to find a work-from-home job because I had nobody to watch my twins."

Military families and on-base child care providers have known for a long time that theirs is a system delicately balanced on a wobbling foundation, made shakier by the frequent moves of its primary pool of employees -- military spouses[4].

But suddenly, the country's largest employer-sponsored child care system[5] was upended by staffing shortages that rippled from base to base after a DOD-wide hiring freeze[6] announced in late February prevented centers from filling vacancies. Even though child care providers were exempted[7] from the freeze three weeks after it was announced, the damage has persisted for months.

Military child care waitlists around the country remain frozen--oftentimes providing no notice to parents who are counting on care.

"It's really setting families up for failure," said Kayla Corbitt, the founder and CEO of Operation Child Care Project[8], a nonprofit that advocates and provides child care case management services for 50 to 60 DOD families at a time nationwide. "This is happening at almost every installation, but they're not telling anyone."

The War Horse spoke with 10 military parents in four states to understand how the freeze continues to affect families, and how they are grappling with the uncertainty of a system that was so easily upended.

Some families found out about the military child care crisis in the worst way; at bases in Utah, Colorado, and New Mexico, children were unenrolled from day cares that needed the spots for families with higher needs, such as ones with single parents or both spouses on active duty.

The impact has been especially acute at Air and Space Force bases with high-capacity centers where off-base options are limited. Peterson, where Kinnison was counting on sending her twins, closed an infant room[9]. More than 30 children lost their spots at Hill Air Force Base[10] in Northern Utah. In the Florida panhandle, Eglin Air Force Base[11] reduced its hours[12], leaving families struggling to make up the difference.

At Holloman Air Force Base[13] near Alamogordo, New Mexico, some mothers left the on-base child care center in an angry daze on May 9 after being asked to sign termination paperwork for their children. They walked out past a coffee cart handing out free drinks; it was Military Spouse Appreciation Day.

While Defense Department policy[14] guarantees families 45 days' notice if their child is being "supplanted" by military families with higher priority for on-base care, the parents notified on May 9 were given only nine more days of care.

A System That Can't Recover Quickly

The consequences of losing on-base child care have been bruising for many parents, like DOD engineer David Comber in Utah, whose child care costs went from $210 per week to $605 after his son was kicked out of a DOD child care center.

One New Mexico mom told The War Horse she felt no choice but to resign from her job as a physician's assistant when her son lost his spot in on-base care. She asked to be identified by her initials, A.T., because her active-duty Air Force husband feared retaliation at work.

The Department of Defense declined to make anyone available for an interview with The War Horse. Instead, it said in a statement that the department remains focused on providing quality child care to military families through multiple methods, including helping families find and pay[15] for care in community-based centers and working with nonprofits to run centers for military families.

That the military child care system could grind to a halt in a matter of weeks might surprise civilian parents, who often assume DOD families have ready access to high-quality care centers without the exorbitant tuition fees and long waitlists nonmilitary families have become accustomed to.

The DOD has stated[16] that it views child care as critical to the military's mission readiness. The department has worked for more than 30 years to shape its child care system into one that is safe, high-quality, and affordable for 200,000 children of DOD civilians and servicemembers.

Yet this "gold standard"[17] system is deeply marred by a lack of accessibility; at any given time, one out of every five military families in need of child care can't find any[18].

When Sen. Elizabeth Warren, a Massachusetts Democrat, questioned the chiefs of each military branch[19] at a hearing on Capitol Hill last year about waiting lists ballooning to more than 12,000 children for DOD child care, she drilled down on one problem: "The DOD [child care] centers are there ... but the staffing shortages are so bad that centers are accepting 30% fewer children than they could if they had full staffing."

While civilian centers struggle to find quality staff who will stick around, military installations are at an even greater disadvantage; their primary source of employees--military spouses--is constantly moving away. More than 400,000 military families are on the move every year[20]--about a third of the active duty armed forces[21].

That makes staffing challenging, even in good times. And a required teacher-to-children ratio (depending on children's ages) dictates how many rooms can open, whether on-post or off. Before the freeze, parents at some bases already noticed issues related to understaffing.

"When we first moved here, we were on waitlists forever, and they were forever long," said Jessica Farmer, a health care consultant who arrived in Colorado Springs in the spring of 2022 with her active-duty Army[22] husband and two daughters.

Months later, after her daughter Ryann finally got a spot in Schriever Space Force Base[23]'s Child Development Center, Farmer watched as kids and staff got shuffled from classroom to classroom each day based on the number of teachers available.

Congress mandated the DOD provide families an anticipated wait time when they apply for on-base care. But parents say the date range is vague and unreliable. Like the year-long range Army Sgt. Anthony Castorina was given after he tried to enroll his son, Barrett, at the Fort Carson[24] Child Development Center.

Castorina found off-base care for Barrett while keeping an eye on the waitlist. "The only direction we went on that list was down," he said.

Now when he checks the military's child care site, it says Barrett will never get in.

"It was already an uphill battle, and that was in perfect conditions," said Corbitt, the child care advocate. "I do not foresee this recovering any time quickly."

Long-Term Effects of the Freeze

On March 12, amid the hiring freeze, Comber received notice that his son Ethan had seven more days before he would be disenrolled from care at Hill Air Force Base.

When Comber arrived to pick up Ethan on his last day at Hill's on-base center, he watched him as he happily climbed in and out of his favorite toy: the little red ride-on car with the yellow roof. Teachers sang and danced with the children to KidzBop songs.

"Ethan just had a big smile on his face, and was happy," Comber said. "And I was sad to be taking him away."

Comber and his wife, Shawna, who works as a clinical audiologist at a VA hospital, scrambled to find other child care. They paid to put Ethan's name on a bunch of local day care waitlists and were relieved when a nationally accredited child care chain found Ethan a spot.

Comber rushed to update his care needs in the military's online portal, militarychildcare.com[25], so that the family could use military financial assistance to pay for Ethan's tuition at the civilian center. But three months later, he has yet to get approval. Their monthly child care bill went from around $840 to $2,420--the equivalent of a second mortgage.

"The discretionary income we had is all going towards that," Comber said. "It feels like we're getting by, and that's kind of incredulous, because we both have advanced degrees. We're both working full time, and we're just getting by."

The Combers had hoped to move out of their starter home, especially since they welcomed their third child this month. Now, that move is frozen too. "We're just kind of stuck right where we are for the long term," he said.

Down in New Mexico, A.T. was one of the professional moms who found out her son was being removed from a long-awaited spot in Holloman's child development center.

"It's been an absolute nightmare," she said. "Because who do you trust in nine business days to take care of your kid?"

She found a spot for him at a local preschool, but like many civilian day cares, it doesn't open early enough to accommodate the needs of military families. A.T. had to hire a college student to take her son to preschool and pick him up afterward. The family's child-care costs tripled.

With so much uncertainty and a requirement to give her employer 90 days' notice, A.T. quit her job. "I can't just hope for the best," she said.

For a few weeks longer, she'll spend her days helping patients on the operating table, feeling the gratification of seeing problems and fixing them. She wonders if anyone is fighting to fix the military child care system that let her family down.

"People get better," she said. "But this system continuously stays broken."

A Hearts and Minds Situation

The DOD had been working to build new centers, recruit more teachers, and entice additional spouses to get certified as Family Child Care providers who watch children in their homes on base.

Corbitt says after the freeze, that progress is lost. "The momentum that they gained over these last few years ... it's all for nothing," she said.

For parents who feel betrayed by the system, it might not matter how quickly installations hire new teachers or recruit military spouses to become caregivers. They need care now.

Corbitt thinks parents will start turning to civilian day cares, adding to those centers' waitlist woes. In the long run, she says, the greatest casualty of the hiring freeze could be the loss of confidence in the system.

"You're going to have to convince them that it's still worth it to start the process, to work at these places, or it's still worth it to enroll your children, knowing they may be supplanted at any given time."

That loss of trust is already happening. At Fort Carson, Castorina said if his son finally got off that child care waitlist, he wouldn't take the spot.

The military's child care system, he said, "is not dependent on market conditions, it's entirely dependent on political winds. And because those are unpredictable, there isn't a lot of stability in a system like that."

This War Horse story was edited by Mike Frankel, fact-checked by Jess Rohan, and copy-edited by Mitchell Hansen-Dewar. Hrisanthi Pickett wrote the headlines.

Jennifer Brookland is a regular contributor to The War Horse who served as a special agent in the Air Force before she received her master's in journalism from Columbia University. She's covered military and veterans' issues for North Carolina Public Radio and child welfare for the Detroit Free Press. She was also a 2022 War Horse Fellow.

Editors Note: This article[26] first appeared on The War Horse,[27] an award-winning nonprofit news organization educating the public on military service. Subscribe to their newsletter.[28]image

© Copyright 2025 The War Horse. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

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Then Secretary of the Army Christine Wormuth

The Pentagon says it is reviewing where top military officials can publicly speak as part of a growing move to allow only venues that align with the views of the Trump administration, which could affect attendance at annual military conferences.

The announcement comes just more than a week after the Pentagon pulled a host of top military officials[1] from attending a major security conference in Aspen, Colorado, claiming the event promoted the "evil of globalism" and hatred of President Donald Trump.

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth's office on Friday did not say whether the review could mean the end of officials attending annual military-run conferences such as the Navy[2]'s Sea Air Space and the Surface Navy Association Symposium; the Marine Corps[3]' Modern Day Marine; and the Army[4]'s Association of the United States Army, or AUSA.

Read Next: Decades of Troubles for Air Force Maintainers Set to Get Worse with Job Consolidation[5]

"In order to ensure the Department of Defense is not lending its name and credibility to organizations, forums and events that run counter to the values of this administration, the department's Office of Public Affairs will be conducting a thorough vetting of every event where defense officials are invited to participate," top Pentagon spokesman Sean Parnell told Military.com in a statement.

Pentagon Press Secretary Kingsley Wilson was more direct in a social media post Thursday[6], saying that "going forward, no DoD official will attend events by 'America last' organizations that promote globalism and hate [Trump]."

After the decision to pull out of the Aspen Security Forum, Wilson said that the Pentagon would "no longer be participating in an event that promotes the evil of globalism, disdain for our great country, and hatred for the president of the United States."

The program for the Aspen event included Navy Secretary John Phelan; Adm. Samuel Paparo, head of U.S. Indo-Pacific Command; Gen. Bryan Fenton, head of U.S. Special Operations Command; and Lt. Gen. John Brennan, deputy commander of U.S. Africa Command.

The ultimate scope of any changes to attendance at events is still unknown. One defense official noted that Parnell and other leaders at the Pentagon were still developing the actual guidance and policy on how event appearances will be assessed and what criteria would be used.

Multiple officials who spoke with Military.com on the condition of anonymity in order to speak candidly about the new policy said that they didn't know who would be in charge of deciding whether a military official would be allowed to go to a conference or not.

One service-level official expressed frustration at the lack of details and documentation on yet another policy change coming from Hegseth's office. The official noted that they found out about the change through Politico, which first reported the story[7], and not official channels.

The official also said their service already has a long-standing policy of vetting engagements for top officers and civilian officials that included legal and ethics reviews, as well as input from public affairs and the defense secretary's office.

Without formal paperwork, the official said they were unclear on what the review from the secretary's office would add to the process or whether it would affect just military officers or civilians as well.

The new policy has also proven to be unpopular among some conservatives.

The Washington Examiner, a conservative political news outlet, called the new policy "a war on thought" in an article published Friday[8].

Wilson's deputy, Joel Valdez, shot back on social media, arguing that the appearances -- many of which are before various think tanks specializing in national security or foreign affairs -- have no value.

"There isn't a lot of 'thinking' going on at these think tanks," Valdez argued in a post Friday[9]. "It's just a bunch of 'America last' globalists foaming at the mouth."

The Anti-Defamation League has said that the word "globalist" -- a term that is being used with greater regularity by officials like Wilson and Valdez -- is frequently used "as an antisemitic dog whistle" and can be wielded "as a codeword for Jews or as a pejorative term for people whose interests in international commerce or finance ostensibly make them disloyal to the country in which they live."

Wilson has a yearslong history[10] of making posts on her personal social media account that allude to or flat out referenced a variety of extremist rhetoric, ranging from white nationalist talking points to antisemitic conspiracy theories.

While military officials will now be under greater scrutiny, Hegseth recently took the unusual step of appearing at a political Turning Point USA rally two weeks ago. Typically, defense secretaries take steps to avoid appearing openly partisan in an effort to preserve the nonpartisan nature of the military.

Turning Point USA is an influential right-wing nonprofit organization run by Charlie Kirk, himself a key figure in the world of Trump and Republican politics.

Speaking to a crowd at the Turning Point USA Student Action Summit, Hegseth claimed that "we don't do politics" at the Defense Department, while also saying that NATO was "freeloading off of America."[11]

Related: Pentagon Pulls Top Officers from Colorado Security Conference, Claiming It Promotes 'Evil of Globalism'[12]

© Copyright 2025 Military.com. All rights reserved. This article may not be republished, rebroadcast, rewritten or otherwise distributed without written permission. To reprint or license this article or any content from Military.com, please submit your request here[13].

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Jerome Avery, a U.S. Special Operations Command Warrior Care Program track coach, guides a vision-impaired athlete during a Warrior Games selection camp at MacDill Air Force Base, Fla.

Every time U.S. Paralympic guide runner Jerome Avery hears the national anthem, he thinks of his late father, who served in the Navy[1] and whom he shares a name with.

So as the anthem played to open the 2025 DoD Warrior Games track meet Wednesday, the 46-year-old once again became emotional as he looked at the American flag inside Garry Berry Stadium.

For the sixth year, Avery served as the track coach for the U.S. Special Operations Command's Warrior Care Program during the Warrior Games, and finds purpose in coaching from his father's service.

"I honestly feel my purpose is to be here at this moment," Avery said. "I love it. My father served in the military, so this was a way of me doing something bigger than myself and being part of something bigger than myself. Every time I'm surrounded by SOCOM he's here with me."

Avery has been a guide runner for the U.S. Paralympic track and field team since 2004. An Olympic hopeful at one point himself, Avery placed in the top 20 at the 2000 U.S. Olympic Trials and in the top 15 at the 2004 trials before finding a new path in guide running.

"One door closed and another opened for me," Avery said. "Working with Paralympic athletes opened up another door to working with SOCOM. I got involved through a friend of mine and the rest is history."

As a guide runner, Avery is bound to an athlete by a tether as they sprint in lanes side-by-side, communicating by touch and sound. Avery has helped three athletes to Paralympic medals, two of them gold and one silver in long jump with Lex Gillette who he still trains with today.

Avery might still be an active guide runner, but at the DoD Warrior Games, he was in full-on coach-mode.

"He is an excellent coach," Adam Foutz, a medically retired Marine Corp veteran, said of Avery. "He is methodical, communicative, and looks after us."

One of the highlights of the day for SOCOM was a win in the 4x100 meter combined relay despite an injury during the second leg. Avery's strategy for the team helped propel SOCOM to an exciting gold medal finish.

"It showed the power of teamwork and understanding that if one wins we all win," Avery said. "They see me as an elite athlete and are inspired by me being out there, but I'm inspired by being a part of SOCOM. Coaching them and just seeing their motivation is amazing."

Foutz, who was a part of the gold medal winning 4x100 relay, was inspired by Avery to become a guide runner himself and trained with Avery to achieve that goal. Foutz guided for the first time Wednesday with Army[2] athlete Henry Escobed. And the pair captured gold in the 100 meters.

"I'm at a point now where my time (in the DoD Warrior Games) is coming to a close and I want to give back to the community in any way I can," Foutz said. "(Avery) inspired me to give back in new ways. Never would have thought to be a guide runner, but through the (DoD Warrior Games) and being under him, I saw the possibilities and that opened up my mind."

Avery's first DoD Warrior Games was in 2018, the last time it was in Colorado Springs. That made this year's edition special for the California native. He even visited the U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Museum for the first time where he signed pictures on the walls of him with Paralympic medalists.

At each DoD Warrior Games, it's never about the medals for Avery, although he loves to see the SOCOM athletes succeed. Besides his connection to his father, it's the athletes that will keep him coming back to coach for as long as he can.

"I love the group I work with," Avery said. "Constantly seeing the improvements in the short amount of time I get to work with the team, it's been phenomenal. I love what I do, I love to be a part of this. I hope to continue to push these athletes the best that I can. Wherever the Games are, I will be there with SOCOM."

© 2025 The Gazette (Colorado Springs, Colo.).

Visit www.gazette.com[3].

Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.[4]

© Copyright 2025 The Gazette (Colorado Springs, Colo.). All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

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