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Water sampling in process at the former Wurtsmith Air Force Base, Michigan

Oscoda, Michigan, has the distinction as the first community where “forever chemicals” were found seeping from a military installation into the surrounding community. Beginning in 2010, state officials and later residents who lived near the former Wurtsmith Air Force Base were horrified to learn that the chemicals, collectively called PFAS, had leached into their rivers, lakes, and drinking water.

Thirteen years later, the community is still waiting on whatever it will take to clean its water. As a result of dogged activism and pressure from government officials, the Air Force has finally taken initial steps simply to contain the chemicals.

Wurtsmith is just one of hundreds of contaminated U.S. military sites. Under congressional pressure, the Defense Department has acknowledged it has a big mess to clean up. It has spent years trying to grasp the scale of the contamination and assess the costs U.S. taxpayers will shoulder to clean it all up. Further, there’s no clear scientific agreement on how to destroy the chemicals, even as companies pitch their scientists’ best solutions in a bid for a share of billions of dollars in looming government contracts.

“We’re really at the forefront,” said Tony Spaniola, a lawyer turned activist whose family owns a home across Van Etten Lake from the former base. “There has been gross mismanagement of this entire program — a lot of stonewalling, a lot of foot-dragging.” He added: “In the meantime, this stuff is continuing to spew into groundwater continuously, into lakes, rivers.”

PFAS chemicals have been linked to increased cholesterol levels, preeclampsia in pregnant women, decreased birth weights, and decreased immune response to vaccines, as well as certain types of cancer. A federal study of U.S. military personnel published in July was the first to show a direct connection[1] between PFAS and testicular cancer, and the chemicals have been linked to increased risk of kidney cancer.

Pentagon Has Lacked ‘Urgency’

Despite rising concerns over the potential effects of these substances, Pentagon officials have defended their use[2] as a matter of national security, asserting in a report to Congress in August that banning them would undermine military readiness.

As many as 600 active or former military installations and adjacent communities are or may be contaminated with per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances, or PFAS. The chemicals are found in a bevy of products used by the U.S. military for decades, including industrial solvents, stain retardants, waterproofing compounds, and firefighting foam.

While the Pentagon was aware of the potential health effects of PFAS as early as the 1970s, the individual military services didn’t begin responding to PFAS pollution at bases until 2014. More than nine years into the Defense Department’s work to analyze its contamination problem and plan for cleanup, frustrated advocates and community residents continue to worry about the safety of their drinking water.

“There hasn’t been an urgency from the DOD that we’ve seen to actually clean up their mess,” said Jared Hayes, a senior policy analyst with the Environmental Working Group, an advocacy organization that focuses on pollution issues nationwide.

The Defense Department did not respond to questions about the pace of the cleanup or provide updated cost estimates.

A spokesperson said the Pentagon is committed to addressing its PFAS contamination. “The Department recognizes the importance of this issue and is committed to addressing PFAS in a deliberative, holistic, and transparent manner,” Jeff Jurgensen wrote in an email to KFF Health News.

Water is sampled from the former Wurtsmith Air Force Base, Michigan, on Aug. 1, 2017. (Breanne Humphreys/U.S. Air Force)

Cleanup Costs Balloon

By June 30, the Defense Department had determined that 359 of 714 active and former bases and National Guard facilities were polluted with PFAS and 107 didn’t meet a threshold for action. Investigations are underway at the remaining 248 sites, with nearly all results expected by year’s end, according to Defense Department records[3].

Cleanup cost assessments have ballooned as the list of contaminated installations grows and researchers work to develop technologies to remove or destroy the toxic compounds. The Defense Department estimated in 2016 that the “total cleanup liability” — only a portion of which applies to PFAS cleanup — was $27.3 billion.

But according to a Sept. 21 letter[4] from 52 members of Congress, that estimate climbed to $38.7 billion by 2022.

The House version of the Pentagon’s fiscal year 2024 funding bill includes more than $1.1 billion for cleanup of PFAS and contaminants such as PCBs, dioxins, and radiation at active and former installations, while the Senate’s version would boost the military’s PFAS-specific $250 million funding request by more than $67 million to address water contamination. The legislation has yet to pass, mired in congressional debate over the fiscal 2024 appropriations process.

“DOD has a massive backlog of cleanup at their sites and the funding just wasn’t adding up. … The amount of funding that they are putting toward cleaning up the problem isn’t matching the need of the problem,” Hayes said, referring to an analysis conducted by EWG[5].

A November analysis of Pentagon data found that the extent of the contamination may even be broader[6], with tests showing thousands of samples from private wells near military installations contained levels of PFAS that the Environmental Protection Agency considers unsafe.

The EPA has proposed stringent limits on multiple types of PFAS, including PFOA and PFOS, in drinking water. The new standard, expected to take effect by the end of the year, would set a cap of 4 parts per trillion for those two compounds. Meanwhile, the Pentagon has been evaluating its sites using a 2016 EPA health advisory of 70 parts per trillion.

If the EPA limit becomes the standard, the Defense Department will need to incorporate it into the review, planning, and cleanup process, Jurgensen said.

But activists, including Spaniola, are pushing the Biden administration to start the cleanup process even while investigations are ongoing. In a July memorandum[7], Brendan Owens, assistant secretary of defense for energy, installations, and environment, directed the Defense Department to find locations near current and former bases where PFAS can be extracted from groundwater and soil while a cleanup plan is developed.

At Wurtsmith — the first military site where contamination was discovered — officials started by installing two groundwater treatment systems, adding to a handful of other pumps[8] installed over the years.

The two systems won’t destroy the chemicals, but they will stop some of the flow of contaminated groundwater into Van Etten Lake from a landfill and a repository that once held discarded or unused equipment, according to Air Force officials[9].

As for completely ridding the environment of PFAS chemicals, a long, bumpy road remains.

‘Multiple Decades of Cleanup’

For years, the Defense Department had disposed of the chemicals by burning them in incinerators. In 2018, the Defense Department paid contractors to begin work to incinerate more than 2 million gallons of stockpiled firefighting foam. In 2021, Congress ordered the Pentagon to stop the practice in anticipation of new EPA guidelines for PFAS disposal and destruction, which the agency says it expects to update this winter, but the Pentagon lifted its moratorium[10] on incineration on July 11.

Studies have shown[11] burning the chemicals can release toxic gases into the air.

In suspending the moratorium, the Defense Department said it had found four commercially available options for effectively burning PFAS.

EPA spokesperson Tim Carroll said in a statement[12] the agency understands the Pentagon needed to provide guidance to its personnel regarding destruction and disposal of PFAS.

But communities already affected by PFAS contamination should be protected when making decisions about how to dispose of the chemicals, according to the statement.

“EPA understands that DoD considers high temperature incinerators to be an effective destruction option,” Carroll said. “EPA notes that, at this time, it is difficult to determine whether high temperature incinerators are an effective PFAS destruction option because data on PFAS releases from incinerators are generally lacking.”

Besides incinerating waste, injecting it deep into the earth, and putting it in landfills, a number of companies are testing technologies they hope will work to destroy PFAS. Among those methods is supercritical water oxidation, known as SCWO, which oxidizes organic compounds at high temperatures.

Conventional incineration plants are “nowhere close to being able to destroy PFAS,” said Zhuoyan Cai, director of Denmark-based Aquarden Technologies, which he said is currently in talks with U.S. companies about its SCWO technology. “The PFAS is used in firefighting foam, so it’s highly thermally resistant, so it’s very difficult to just burn it away in a traditional plant.”

Supercritical water is essentially a fourth state of water under extremely high pressure and temperature — different from ice, liquid water, and steam — with special characteristics that dissolve oil and other organic compounds, including PFAS and pesticides.

When wastewater is under those conditions, the salts fall away and the oils and pesticides blend into the supercritical water. Mix in oxygen and it reacts aggressively and rips the PFAS carbon bonds apart, with greater than 99.999% destruction, Cai said. A study from EPA scientists[13] said the method “could be a permanent solution for PFAS-laden wastewaters.”

A handful of companies are working with the Pentagon to bring mobile SCWO technology to widespread use, including Revive Environmental[14], a spinoff of the Ohio-based nonprofit Battelle, and 374Water[15], which originated from research at Duke University in North Carolina.

“Unfortunately, we as a society are still manufacturing and selling [PFAS] into the market. So I think the first thing we need to do is stop putting it in our ecosystem,” 374Water’s board chairman, Kobe Nagar, said. “It’s multiple decades of cleanup.”

Other companies are developing and testing their own approaches, using everything from ultraviolet light[16] to plasma[17].

Dallas-based AECOM, a consulting firm that handles PFAS response work for the U.S. military, uses electrodes to break down the chemicals by removing electrons.

But Rosa Gwinn, global PFAS technical lead at AECOM, cautioned that none of these emerging technologies is a perfect response to the cleanup predicament. “There is not going to be a single solution, no matter what somebody says,” she said.

But as industry chases billions of dollars in government contracts, towns like Oscoda linger under a cloud of health concerns with little action.

Well over a decade after the discovery of the chemicals surrounding Wurtsmith, a bounty of public health warnings[18] about PFAS exposure remain, including for drinking water, fish and wildlife, and the chemical-laced foam that still washes ashore. One site now finally being targeted is a beach with a YMCA camp for children, Spaniola said.

“Am I concerned for my health? Yes,” he said. “Am I concerned for my family’s health? Yes.”

KFF Health News[19] is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF[20].

KFF Health News[21] is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF[22].

Subscribe[23] to KFF Health News' free Morning Briefing.

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The Fort Stewart Directorate of Public Works' lead mold remediation specialist shows where a barrack room's bathroom ceiling in building 212 has mold after the room was flooded by an equipment failure.

The Pentagon will have to set military-wide standards for what makes barracks habitable under the defense policy bill that was signed into law late last week.

Requiring minimum standards for habitability is one of several ways this year's National Defense Authorization Act, or NDAA, seeks to improve barracks conditions, which have come under increasing scrutiny from lawmakers over the past year amid growing evidence of deplorable living conditions for junior service members.

President Joe Biden signed the NDAA into law late Friday afternoon. The wide-ranging bill covers everything from endorsing the annual military pay raise[1] to facilitating medical studies of psychedelic drugs to scaling back diversity programs[2].

Read Next: The Top 10 Military.com News Stories of 2023[3]

Also included in this year's NDAA are several reforms for barracks that come after a Government Accountability Office report documented squalid living conditions[4], including overflowing sewage, rampant mold, bedbug infestations and squatters.

The GAO report bolstered previous anecdotal evidence and news reports about rundown, moldy barracks. The report infuriated lawmakers[5], who demanded accountability and a culture change within the military that pays more attention to living conditions.

"If I would have had these conditions in any of our barracks, I would have gotten fired," Rep. Don Bacon, R-Neb., a retired Air Force[6] brigadier general who heads a House Armed Services Committee quality-of-life panel, said in September following the revelations.

While military officials have acknowledged falling short in maintaining their barracks, some have continued to deny that there are systemic[7] issues even after the GAO report. Top officials have also largely attributed barracks woes to funding issues. The Army[8], which owns the lion's share of barracks in the military, has said it plans to ask Congress for $4 billion to renovate and build new housing.

In the meantime, Congress is mandating several changes to the way the military thinks about the barracks. Most prominently, the NDAA requires the secretary of defense to establish military-wide minimum standards for assigning service members to barracks.

The standards will cover the buildings' condition, habitability, health and environmental comfort, safety and security, and "any other element the secretary of defense determines appropriate," according to the bill text.

Clarifying department-wide minimum standards for health and safety of the barracks was one of the key recommendations in the GAO report.

The standards can be waived only by a service secretary, according to the bill. The services will have 30 days from when the Pentagon establishes the standards to issue their own guidance on them.

The Pentagon will also have to certify to Congress every year that the cost of repairing a barracks facility isn't more than 20% of what it would cost to replace the building altogether. And it will have to create a military-wide index of the condition of all barracks, as well as a department-wide maintenance work order system.

For barracks that are substandard, the bill seeks to give the military more flexibility to replace them quickly by launching a five-year pilot program that will allow the services to dip into their operations and maintenance funding or unspecified minor military construction funding to build new housing.

The Pentagon will also have to establish military-wide design standards for barracks that stipulate, among other things, the minimum amount of floor space rooms can have and the quality of construction material that must be used, according to the NDAA. The military services will have two years from when the standards are issued to comply.

The bill also makes it harder to waive any minimum standards for privacy and configuration of the barracks by raising the waiver approval authority to the service secretaries. And it mandates that a civilian be put in charge of managing the barracks at each base's housing office, with limited exceptions for service members whose occupational specialty is focused on barracks management.

The reforms in this year's NDAA could be just the start of more sweeping changes. The House Armed Services Committee’s quality-of-life panel launched this year will make recommendations to include in next year's defense bill. Bacon and panel members have said housing will be one of its key priorities.

Related: Biden Signs Law Backing Military Pay Increase for 2024. Here's How Much More You'll Get.[9]

© Copyright 2023 Military.com. All rights reserved. This article may not be republished, rebroadcast, rewritten or otherwise distributed without written permission. To reprint or license this article or any content from Military.com, please submit your request here[10].

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Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy walks with Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell

WASHINGTON (AP) — As the Senate wrapped up its work for the year, Sen. Michael Bennet took to the floor of the nearly empty chamber and made a late-night plea for Congress to redouble support for Ukraine[1]: “Understand the stakes at this moment."

It was the third time in recent months the Colorado Democrat has kept the Senate working late by holding up unrelated legislation in a bid to cajole lawmakers to approve tens of billions of dollars in weaponry and economic aid for Ukraine. During a nearly hour-long, emotional speech, he called on senators to see the nearly 2-year-old conflict as a defining clash of authoritarianism against democracy and implored them to consider what it means "to be fighting on that freezing front line and not know whether we're going to come through with the ammunition.”

Yet Congress broke for the holidays[2] and is not expected to return for two weeks while continued aid for Ukraine[3] has nearly been exhausted. The Biden administration is planning to send one more aid package before the new year, but says it will be the last unless Congress approves more money.

With support slipping in Congress even as conflicts and unrest rattle global security, the United States is once again struggling[4] to assert its role in the world. Under the influence of Donald Trump[5], the former president who is now the Republican Party front-runner, GOP lawmakers have increasingly taken a skeptical stance toward U.S. involvement abroad, particularly when it comes to aid to Ukraine.

Leaders of traditional allies Britain and France[6] have implored Western nations to continue their robust support, but Russia’s President Vladimir Putin is emboldened[7] and building up resources for a fresh effort as the war heads towards its third year.

“We’re living in a time when there are all kinds of forces that are tearing at democracy, at here and abroad,” Bennet said.

Bolstering Ukraine's defense used to be celebrated in the Capitol as one of a few remaining bipartisan causes. But now the fate of roughly $61 billion in funding is tied to delicate policy negotiations on Capitol Hill[8] over border and immigration changes. And in the last year, lawmakers have had to mount painstaking, round-the-clock efforts to pass even legislation that maintains basic functions of the U.S. government. Bills with ambitious changes have been almost completely out of reach for the closely divided Congress.

Still, congressional leaders are trying to rally members to address global challenges they say are among the most difficult in decades: the largest land invasion of a European nation since World War II, a war between Israel and Hamas, unrest and economic calamity driving historic levels of migration and China asserting itself as a superpower.

In the Senate, both Democratic and Republican leaders have cast the $110 billion aid package[9], which is attempting to address all those issues, as a potential turning point for democracy around the world. Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer[10] told reporters last week that “history will look back if we don’t support our ally in Ukraine.”

In a year-end speech, Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell[11] said: “From South Texas to Southeast Asia and from the Black Sea to the Red Sea, it is an historically challenging and consequential time to protect America’s interests, our allies and our own people.”

The Republican leader, a key supporter of Ukraine aid, has tried for months to build support in his party for Ukraine. But after a $6 billion military and civilian aid package[12] for Ukraine collapsed in October, McConnell began telling top White House officials that any funding would need to be paired with border policy changes.

The White House deliberately stayed out of the negotiations until senior officials felt the time was right to do so. But senior Republicans involved in the border talks believe the administration stepped in too late, ultimately delaying the prospects of additional Ukraine aid getting approved until the new year.

Senate negotiators have had to navigate both the explosive politics of border policy as well as one of the most complex areas of American law.

“This is a tightrope, but we are still on it,” said Sen. Chris Murphy, the lead Democratic negotiator.

At one point during the negotiations, McConnell felt compelled to stress the urgency to administration officials and impose a deadline to reach a border deal in time for the agreement to be drafted into legislative provisions before the end of the year.

With the negotiations still plodding along, McConnell called White House chief of staff Jeff Zients on Dec. 7 and said a deal must be reached within five days — a message that the Kentucky Republican emphasized to President Joe Biden[13] himself when the two men spoke later that day, according to a person familiar with the discussions.

It wouldn’t be until five days later, on Dec. 12, that Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas and senior White House aides came to the Capitol to participate directly in the negotiations. A White House official said the administration got involved when it did because it felt the talks had moved beyond the realm of unacceptable or unattainable measures — and to a more productive phase.

A second White House official stressed that previous legislative negotiations, such as the bipartisan infrastructure law that is now more than two years old, started similarly, with Republican and Democratic senators talking on their own and the administration stepping in once it felt the talks were ready for White House involvement.

Still, “it would be nice to have had them earlier,” Oklahoma Sen. James Lankford, the chief GOP negotiator, said last week.

“We would have a lot more progress, and we would have had potential to be able to get this done by this week if they would have gotten earlier,” Lankford said. The two White House officials and the person familiar with McConnell's phone call to Biden all spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss the private and ongoing negotiations.

The White House's strategy of including Republican priorities such as Israel aid and border security in the package has also raised several thorny issues for Democrats.

Progressive lawmakers, critical of Israel's campaign into Gaza that has killed thousands of civilians[14], have called for humanitarian conditions to be placed on the money for Israel. And Latino Democrats in both the Senate and House[15] have also been critical of restrictions on asylum claims.

Any package also faces deep uncertainty in the House, where Republican Speaker Mike Johnson[16] holds tenuous control of the closely divided chamber. Before becoming speaker in October, Johnson had repeatedly voted against aid for Ukraine, but he has surprised many by offering support for Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and saying he wants to find a way to approve the aid.

But Trump’s allies in the House have repeatedly tried to stop the U.S. from sending more aid to Ukraine. And Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, a close ally to the former president, said it was a mistake for Republicans even to insist on border policy changes because it could “give the Biden administration some kind of policy wins out on the campaign trail.”

As the border and immigration talks drag forward in the Senate, Johnson has weighed in from afar to push for sweeping measures. On social media, he has called for “transformational change to secure the border,” and pointed to a hardline bill that passed the House on a party-line vote.

As senators left Washington, they still sought to assure Ukrainians that American help was on its way. White House staff and Senate negotiations planned to work on drafting border legislation for the next two weeks in hopes that it would be ready for action when Congress returns.

Schumer told The Associated Press he was “hopeful,” but “I wouldn’t go so far as to say confident yet.” He sought to put the pressure on Republicans, saying they needed to be ready to compromise.

Yet Sen. Roger Wicker, an Alabama Republican who is a Ukraine supporter, expressed confidence that Congress would act. He alluded to the words of former British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, another European leader who eventually elicited robust support from the U.S. to repel an invasion.

“Americans will always do the right thing,” Wicker said. “After they’ve exhausted every other alternative.”

___

Associated Press writer Lisa Mascaro contributed to this report.

 

© Copyright 2023 Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

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