Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin said Thursday that, in his more than three years of working with Vice President Kamala Harris, she has been with him and the president for some of their toughest decisions and "always a part of the process."
The assessment, which Austin offered in response to a question about the vice president from reporters during a Pentagon press conference, comes just days after President Joe Biden's surprise decision not to seek reelection in November and Harris being on track to take over for him at the top of the Democratic ticket.
Austin, a retired four-star Army[1] general and now a civilian Cabinet member and Biden appointee, painted Harris as prepared and always engaged on national security issues. He said at the start of his remarks that he was not making "any kind of political commentary" but rather relaying what he witnessed as defense secretary.
If reporters look at what the Biden administration has tackled "over the past three and a half years -- strikes that we've had to take, the deployments[3] that we've done, the decision to support Ukraine ... there's just thing after thing after thing," Austin said.
"She's always there, she's always a part of the process, and she's always very engaged," he added.
In her brief time as the likely presidential nominee, Harris has already started to receive scrutiny from Republicans for her role on tackling immigration from Central America, while she has begun to highlight her background as a prosecutor.
As a result, little is known about her views on the military[4] and veterans issues or how she would act as commander in chief. The Associated Press reported Thursday[5] that Harris was scheduled to meet separately with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, apart from a meeting Biden had scheduled with the Israeli leader during his visit to Washington, D.C., suggesting she may become more involved in global security issues as a presidential candidate.
Austin's remarks suggested that, while Harris may have been out of the public eye for much of the Biden administration's time in the White House, she was an active participant in national security decisions.
"I've seen her help the team, help the president work through some very, very complex issues," Austin said, adding that "she is a key player."
In 2021, Harris told CNN[6] that she was the last person in the room and supported Biden's decision to completely withdraw troops from Afghanistan.
Austin also noted that Harris has "represented this country in the international arena, on the international stage, a number of times."
In November 2022, Harris met with Chinese leader[7] Xi Jinping on the sidelines of an economic leadership conference in Thailand. "She understands ... national security, international affairs," Austin argued, citing that meeting.
Harris has not met with Russian President Vladimir Putin, who launched an invasion of Ukraine in 2022. The U.S., NATO allies and nations around the world have since worked to equip and support the Ukrainians in their fight against the Russian aggression.
The Pentagon considers China its "pacing challenge" on the world stage, and the current U.S. National Defense Strategy, released in March 2022, labels Russia as an "acute" threat.
As of Thursday, Harris' campaign website did not have any policy statements. However, in 2019, when she first ran for president, Harris released a detailed plan for veterans and service members[8] that largely focused on improving benefits and care offered to veterans.
The plan called for extending Department of Veterans Affairs health care and housing assistance to veterans with other-than-honorable discharges stemming from PTSD or brain injuries, as well as improving military housing, creating a grant program for housing homeless[9] veterans, cracking down on fraud against service members and veterans, and making it easier for immigrants to serve in the military and apply for citizenship if they do.
WARREN, Michigan — Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer joined Secretary of the Navy Carlos Del Toro, the U.S. Department of Defense and the U.S. Department of Labor to announce Monday the launch of a $50 million partnership focused on workforce training for defense manufacturing.
The Michigan Maritime Manufacturing Initiative, also known as M3, will train workers at local community colleges in skills for maritime construction, particularly welding and machining, officials said. The Biden-Harris Administration is strategically investing in Michigan as part of a national economic and defense policy initiative aimed at meeting the Navy’s goal of increasing submarine production.
"This massive partnership between federal, state and local leaders will help Michigan build a workforce to lead the future of defense," Whitmer said during the announcement at Macomb Community College. "In short, it will help us get ship done."
Michigan’s community colleges, including Macomb Community College and Oakland Community College, will serve as a resource for developing and providing advanced and technical training to address the Navy’s manufacturing supplier chain’s need for workers. Of the $50 million, $16 million will be used for an accelerated welding and computer numerical controlled machining training program to start this fall that will introduce a maritime-focused skilled trades pipeline.
The initiative also includes $2 million toward educational outreach and engagement programs to provide K-12 students with hands-on career and technical education and generate an interest in maritime manufacturing careers.
"I can think of no better place than Michigan to shape the next generation of 'new-collar' workers, combining traditionally blue-collar trades with the cutting-edge technologies of today," Del Toro said. "Michiganders today, like during World War II, we need your skills, your dedication and your pioneering spirit to continue our legacy as the world’s greatest naval power."
Whitmer said the initiative will also connect suppliers in Michigan to the broader submarine industrial base, whether they're existing suppliers for the Navy or auto suppliers looking to expand.
“As M3 takes root, training the next generation of workers sends a message to manufacturers across the nation- come to Michigan because we're here in Michigan,” she said. “We are excellent making stuff, whether it's ships or semiconductor chips or potato chips.”
Whitmer has said the state’s defense industry contributes $30 billion to the economy, supporting more than 166,000 jobs and nearly 4,000 businesses. She said Michigan produces more military vehicles than any other state.
She noted that Michigan is home to major defense companies including General Dynamics, BAE and GM Defense.
Other investments in the initiative announced Monday include up to $10.75 million over five years in ACENet, which will increase a growing national hub-and-spoke network of advanced machining training centers that trains users through computer-aided design and computer-aided manufacturing platforms, $3 million for an attraction and recruitment campaign, and $750,000 to collaborate with veteran placement agencies and the Department of Labor’s Veteran Employment and Training Service programs to help transition veterans returning to Michigan to join the submarine and maritime sectors.
Michigan U.S. Sen. Gary Peters, a Democrat, noted the numerous suppliers in the aerospace industry, the increase in advanced manufacturing and autonomy, and the new program with the U.S. Navy.
"We have workers, we have engineers who are the best in the world," he said. "We know how to make things. We do it better than anywhere else and people are recognizing that and coming to our great state."
As a new school year approaches, a group of Senate Democrats is pressing the Defense Department to implement legally mandated reforms meant to prevent sexual assault in the Junior Reserve Officers' Training Corps program.
While the Pentagon previously told lawmakers[1] it has an "unwavering commitment" to the safety of high school students participating in the program, the lawmakers said the department needs to show that commitment by carrying out the changes Congress required in its annual defense policy bill.
"These reforms are necessary to ensure schools protect students from sexual misconduct by JROTC instructors and do not force students into the program against their will," the senators wrote in a letter to Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin sent Monday and obtained exclusively by Military.com. "We urge you to implement these reforms prior to the start of the 2024-2025 school year, and we request information on how you will do so."
The letter was organized by Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., who chairs the Senate Armed Services Committee's personnel subcommittee. It was co-signed by fellow Armed Services Committee members Sens. Mazie Hirono, D-Hawaii, and Richard Blumenthal, D-Conn., as well as Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt.
A Pentagon spokesperson declined to comment on the letter or the status of implementing the reforms, telling Military.com in an email that "as with all congressional correspondence, the department will respond directly to the members."
Warren previously spearheaded a bill[3] to reform the JROTC after revelations that instructors engaged in widespread sexual misconduct against high school cadets in a program meant to instill leadership skills and citizenship values in teenagers. Elements of that bill were included in the National Defense Authorization Act, or NDAA, that was signed into law last year.
Allegations of sexual assault in the JROTC program first came to light in a 2022 New York Times investigation[4] that found at least 33 JROTC instructors had been criminally charged with sexual crimes in the preceding five years. The Times also uncovered that some schools[5] were forcing students to participate in the program.
Spurred by the Times report, the House Oversight Committee launched its own investigation[6] that uncovered that 60 instructors had been accused of sexual misconduct in the same five-year time frame. Of those, allegations against 58 instructors were substantiated by local law enforcement or school officials.
In a letter last year sent to Warren and other senators, the Pentagon revealed that, over the previous 10 years, military officials received 114 allegations of instructors committing violence, sexual abuse, or sexual harassment against JROTC cadets.
The JROTC program is a partnership between the Defense Department, the military branches and high schools around the country, with more than 3,500 units nationally and nearly 500,000 students participating. Instructors are often retired or reserve military officers employed by the school district, but can be active-duty service members.
Unlike the college-level ROTC program, there is no requirement to serve in the military after the JROTC. But defense officials see it as a key pipeline[7] to military service at a time when the armed forces[8] are struggling to recruit young people.
Even after the JROTC issues became publicly known, reports of sexual misconduct by instructors have persisted. Earlier this year, an instructor in Florida was fired after students alleged[9] he made sexually suggestive comments, asked students out for drinks, and touched a student's shoulder and thighs.
In an effort to prevent situations like that, last year's NDAA required the Pentagon and military services to sign standardized agreements with every school with a JROTC program. The agreements must include a requirement that schools notify the department about allegations of misconduct against an instructor within 48 hours; a process for certifying instructors that includes a background check; a process for the military services to inspect schools' programs at least once every four years; and a requirement that schools provide students a way to report sexual assault and harassment and training on how to make reports.
Under the law, the Pentagon can put JROTC programs on probation for up to three years if they don't follow these agreements.
The NDAA also required the Pentagon to submit annual reports to Congress on misconduct allegations in the JROTC and any steps the department took to mitigate sexual misconduct that year.
In their letter Monday, the senators asked the Pentagon when it plans to finalize the agreements with schools; how the department will ensure schools are training students on reporting sexual misconduct; and how students and families will be able to report to the Pentagon when schools aren't following the agreements, among more than a dozen other questions. They requested the answers by Aug. 5.
"We are glad that the president's budget request included an additional $2 million to support the increased oversight reforms established in the FY 2024 NDAA," the senators wrote, referring to the fiscal 2025 budget request. "DoD must make its commitment clear by fully implementing these reforms before the 2024-2025 school year begins."
Andrew Espinosa was in his office in Boulder, Colorado, when the first message popped up on the Air Force veteran’s phone: Andy, is this finally the resolution you’ve been working for?
President Biden had just announced he was “righting a historic wrong” by issuing pardons[1] for gay veterans convicted of consensual sex, and Espinosa says the text messages didn’t stop for hours.
“I’ve got shivers,” Mona McGuire, an Army veteran, told The War Horse on that June 26 morning, celebrating the news from her home in suburban Milwaukee in between interviews with CNN[2] and the BBC. “I feel relief.”
More than 25 years ago, both McGuire and Espinosa were kicked out of the military for being gay. Finally, it appeared, they would get a long-overdue reprieve and apology—and possibly qualify for health care and other veterans benefits they have been denied because of their “bad paper” discharges.
Then reality struck. In the weeks since the president’s historic gesture, McGuire and Espinosa have dug into the details and learned they and thousands of other veterans are unlikely to qualify under the narrow confines of Biden’s pardons. The whipsaw of emotions has renewed the sting of exclusion that has followed them for decades after their military service was cut short.
It’s “another kick in the gut,” says Espinosa.
The two are among about 100,000[3] veterans pushed out of the military for reasons related to their sexual orientation from World War II through the repeal of the “don’t ask, don’t tell[4]” policy in 2011. Thirteen years after that repeal, Biden’s pardons invigorated advocates and LGBTQ veterans who continue to try to undo the harms inflicted on gay veterans, including, for some, imprisonment and convictions that still mar their records today.
But it turns out there is a catch: Only those convicted in a military court of nonforcible sodomy qualify for a pardon, and neither the White House nor the Defense Department could tell The War Horse exactly how many veterans that includes—or why it excludes so many others.
It doesn’t include McGuire, who became a symbol of the injustice stemming from the military’s discriminatory past after sharing her story with The War Horse[5] days before Biden’s announcement. The Milwaukee mom was never convicted in a military court because she opted to avoid court-martial by admitting to a lesbian relationship and accepting a bad discharge. The pardons will do nothing to fix her record.
What’s also worrying advocates is that the presidential election is only four months away, and a return to the White House for Donald Trump could halt the processing of pardon applications altogether, experts say.
Amid the euphoria of Biden’s announcement, the White House estimated thousands of veterans would benefit from his pardons, allowing them to upgrade their discharges and receive veterans benefits they’d been locked out of. But Michael Wishnie, a professor at Yale Law School and veteran law expert, is wary.
“There’s a real danger that no one benefits,” he says.
‘Mass’ Pardons Are Rare
By the time the text messages stopped, and Espinosa returned his focus to his real estate job, he had already concluded that the pardon didn’t apply to him.
He joined the Air Force in the late 1980s with the hopes of eventually becoming an astronaut. In 1993, the Air Force captain was court-martialed for an “indecent assault.”
The incident occurred, he said, in the blurry early morning hours after a party while he was stationed in Turkey. Espinosa was accused of touching a fellow airman’s leg and kissing him on the cheek as they watched the playoffs. Espinosa maintains his innocence and believes he was targeted because of homophobia in the military and his superior officers’ desire to get rid of him.
Espinosa, who first told his story to CBS News[6] last year, had a letter written to his mother from a military official that explains “homosexuality is a factor in this case” but that the key factor is his harassment of another airman. Espinosa says he’s largely moved on from his dismissal from the military, but the conviction prevented him from getting a job with the government as a census taker, and he tried and failed to receive a discharge upgrade in the wake of the “don’t ask, don’t tell” repeal. Until 1993, the military prohibited gay and lesbian people from serving, but under President Clinton, “don’t ask, don’t tell” allowed gay people to serve as long as their sexuality remained hidden.
After reading the fine print of the pardon, Espinosa responded to all those congratulatory text messages from childhood and military friends, thanking them for their support but telling them he would not receive any of Biden’s goodwill.
“If it helps one person, it’s good,” says Espinosa. “I wish it would’ve been explained more.”
What adds to the confusion is that rather than granting an individual pardon that names people specifically, Biden’s clemency action was bestowed upon a group of unnamed people. Such “mass” pardons are rare, but not unheard of. In 1977, for instance, President Jimmy Carter pardoned hundreds of thousands of Vietnam War draft dodgers[7].
Wishnie says advocates and veterans should be proud that their persistence likely encouraged Biden’s pardon. Still, Wishnie is “very disappointed that it is such a narrow program.”
Biden could have expanded his pardon to more veterans, he said, including those who were convicted for charges like “indecent acts” due to their sexual orientation. The pardon also could have helped veterans like McGuire.
In 1988, while stationed in West Germany, McGuire was outed, arrested, and forced to choose between a court-martial and possible prison time or a less than honorable discharge “in lieu of court-martial” if she admitted her lesbian relationship. She chose the latter.
The discharge has prevented her from accessing veterans benefits, and, though she tried to upgrade her discharge last year, the Army’s review board denied her request because as a 20-year-old under interrogation, she admitted guilt to charges of sodomy and an indecent act.
McGuire thought Biden’s pardon might render her admission obsolete, particularly since the president acknowledged the unjust criminalization of gay service members. But, she says, “I’m just kind of in the same place, in the same position I was for the last 37 years.”
President Biden salutes members of the 171st Air Refueling Wing Mission Support Group at the 171st Air Refueling Wing in April 2024. (Shawn Monk/U.S. Air National Guard)
‘These Things Aren’t Slam Dunks’
When Steve Marose learned of the president’s announcement, it sounded “glorious.” Justice, at last. He jumped into action, and the Air Force veteran, who lives in Seattle, sent in his pardon application last week.
In 1990, Marose was a second lieutenant who followed his father’s footsteps into the Air Force. He was a proud officer and says he was good at his job. But for a few months he lived with another airman, and was eventually convicted of three counts of consensual sodomy. He spent two years in federal prison at Fort Leavenworth. But Marose was also convicted of conduct unbecoming, a charge not included in the pardon.
“I’ve always tried to be optimistic,” he says. But “these things aren’t slam dunks.”
A White House spokesperson did not respond to requests from The War Horse to explain why the pardons excluded many LGBTQ veterans.
There is another route for those who don’t qualify, a Department of Defense spokesperson said. LGBTQ veterans can submit a standard Department of Justice[8] pardon application to the secretary of the military branch in which they were convicted. But a decision can take years[9].
Wishnie and other veterans advocates say the Defense Department could have spared LGBTQ veterans the confusion over how far the pardons extend.
“For years, people have been asking DOD to do the work themself, to identify veterans discharged for being gay, whether they were court-martialed or not,” Wishnie says. “And for years, DOD has absolutely resisted.”
As the pardon stands, veterans like Marose who think they are eligible must apply[10], wait for an answer—which could take months—and then go through a separate process to upgrade their less than honorable or dishonorable discharges.
“They are leaving the onus on veterans,” Wishnie says, adding that such a multistep process will likely deter many veterans who could take advantage of the pardon.
What Happens Now?
If Marose’s application is approved before November’s election, it will remain intact no matter who wins the White House. If Donald Trump prevails, however, it’s possible that the new administration could slow or stop the process of receiving a pardon certificate that would allow veterans to access benefits, Wishnie says. No one from the Trump campaign responded to questions from The War Horse about whether a Trump White House would follow through on Biden’s pledge.
Presidents often issue pardons at the end of their terms, says Graham Dodds, an expert on U.S. politics at Concordia University in Montreal. It’s unclear why Biden decided to act on this particular issue now.
It could be an act of reconciliation, Dodds says, much like Canada, in 2017, apologized for past discrimination against LGBTQ people. But politics, he says, can’t be discounted.
“While the LGBTQ community is not monolithic, it does account for some 7% of the electorate,” Dodds says. “In a close election every vote might well matter.”
Still, the military didn’t treat each gay veteran in a uniform way. Policies shifted over the years, and a commander had the power to choose among quietly dismissing an LGBTQ service member with an honorable discharge, prosecuting them, or scaring them into accepting a bad discharge to avoid a court-martial. Because of that, Dodds says, this pardon is somewhat “messy.”
In McGuire’s case, she was not convicted or imprisoned. But she said it felt like she was.
After her arrest in May 1988, she waited three months for her discharge paperwork. She was stripped of her security clearance and forced to clean the men’s latrines. Soldiers whispered about her and three other women who were being kicked out for homosexuality. They were treated, she says, “not even like second-class humans.”
McGuire didn’t walk around alone out of fear of getting beat up.
In August of 1988, she was finally handed her orders to leave. Her dream of a career in the Army crumpled, and her heart broke on the spot. “I was crying and breathing so hard I couldn’t talk,” she says. “I was devastated.”
All those years ago, as a 20-year-old soldier, McGuire said she believed that taking responsibility and walking away from the Army would pay off in the long run.
“It’s just kind of ironic that those who were actually convicted and possibly spent time in prison are the ones eligible,” she says. “But not me.”
This War Horse investigation was reported by Anne Marshall-Chalmers, edited by Mike Frankel, fact-checked by Jess Rohan, and copy-edited by Mitchell Hansen-Dewar. Abbie Bennett wrote the headlines. Coverage of veterans’ health is made possible in part by a grant from the A-Mark Foundation[11].
Editors Note: This article[12] first appeared on The War Horse,[13] an award-winning nonprofit news organization educating the public on military service. Subscribe to their newsletter[14].
